Oil profiteering and the "oiligarchy"
After it becomes clear that the plant will not be viable without a pipeline through Afghanistan to supply Enron-owned gas from Uzbekistan, Enron abandons construction of the plant just before completion. (CCR)Iraq war
sends Clinton officials a detailed, four-phase war plan entitled "The End Game," along with an urgent plea for money to finance the plan. "The time is now," Chalabi writes. "Iraq is on the verge of spontaneous combustion. It only needs a trigger to set off a chain of events that will lead to the overthrow of Saddam. Chalabi, an Iraqi emigre who has lived in London for decades, is a wealthy Shi'ite who is currently on the run from the Jordanian authorities, who in 1992 convicted him of bank fraud. Despite his checkered credentials, the Clinton administration decides to give Chalabi's INC some seed money. (Seymour Hersh)George W. Bush
His handler, Karl Rove, determines to season Bush by sending him on a circuit of small towns, where he speaks to civic organizations, does radio interviews with friendly hosts, speaks at community events, and generally gets more comfortable and more experienced with handling questioning. "It was a brilliant piece of political engineering," writes James Moore and Wayne Slater. "By summer [1994], Bush was a better candidate, well-prepared and well-positioned to face Ann Richards in the fall. The race for governor was to be the showroom where Karl Rove displayed his product, the man he was grooming to be the next president of the United States." (James Moore and Wayne Slater)Whitewater / Lewinsky and related "scandals"
By May of 1994, he is forced to add another lawyer, Robert Bennett, whose primary duty is to either get the Paula Jones case settled out of court or persuade the Supreme Court that a sitting president should not be a defendant in a civil suit. While Bennett will be successful in postponing the decision until after the 1996 elections, the Supreme Court will ultimately rule against Clinton. (Marvin Kalb)Whitewater / Lewinsky and related "scandals"
Faircloth is joined by other Republicans, and on January 3, 1994, Senator Bob Dole publicly accuses Reno of a politically motivated delay. He insists, of course, that a special prosecutor would be in the president's best interests. Dole issues his demands over the same weekend that Clinton's mother, Virginia Kelly, dies; the distraught Clinton is outraged that Dole would assault him at such an untimely moment. The Republican attacks continue unabated, not even pausing for Kelly's funeral. (Dole will later apologize.) Some in the White House agree with Dole, though they distrust his motives, but the White House lawyers, led by Bernard Nussbaum, disagree. Other Democrats feel that the best way to avert an increasingly nasty pressure campaign (joined by many mainstream news outlets such as the New York Times and the Washington Post) is to simply appoint an independent counsel and be done. The papers are full of wild speculation over the various manufactured scandals plaguing the Clinton presidency: Whitewater, the raft of sexual misconduct and adultery allegations, Troopergate (see below), the Foster suicide. Clinton's top advisors are deeply divided. (Joe Conason and Gene Lyons)Republican corruption
The police, recognizing Calvert, refuse to arrest the congressman even though he attempts to elude arrest by driving away, and the incident remains quiet until the 1994 election, when one opponent, Mark Takano, sick of Calvert's sanctimony, reveals the incident and calls Calvert "a flagrant womanizer." Calvert says the sex was consensual and unpaid, even though he picked her up in the notorious Sixth Street drag strip (he later says Lindberg forced herself into his car and there was no sex at all), and tells voters he has "put the incident behind me." Calvert wins re-election largely by attacking the ancestry of his main opponent, Democrat Joseph Khoury, lambasting Khoury's Arab heritage and implying that Khoury is a traitor to his country. Soon after his re-election, Calvert will be charged with evading $16,000 of back taxes. In 1996, his ex-wife will sue him for failing to pay alimony; he will countersue, and the back-and-forth cases degenerate into a mudslinging contest largely carried out in the tabloids. As of 2007, Calvert is still in Congress. (Hilton and Testa)Gulf War
Although Iraqi interference continues to a lesser degree, UN inspectors are given much wider latitude to conduct operations. (UN/Electric Venom)George W. Bush
cruises around the state in a King Air plane dubbed Accountability One. After flying in to Houston, he tells an audience, "I believe everybody should be held responsible for their own personal behavior. All public policy should revolve around the principle that individuals are responsible for what they say and do." (David Corn)Election fraud
He says GOP operatives had made payments to Democratic precinct workers in black areas on condition they sit on their hands on election day. And he says the Whitman campaign had contributed to church charities in return for black ministers keeping mum on the virtues of Democratic incumbent James Florio. Many media outlets choose not to report Rollins's claim; one reporter, the Christian Science Monitor's Linda Feldman, says she did not report on the vote suppression comments because she had only 15 minutes to file and did not have time to clarify various questions raised by the statement. The Columbia Journalism Review comments, "This was a bit like filing a review of Our American Cousin while delaying a report on that little disruption involving Mr. Lincoln." It is later reported that Rollins had made similar statements about vote suppression three days prior to the breakfast -- in conversations with GOP political consultant Mary Matalin, who co-hosts a CNBC political talk show; semi-retired columnist Rowland Evans; and MacNeil/Lehrer NewsHour reporter Margaret Warner. None of the three had seen fit to report Rollins's assertion prior to the breakfast. (Warner told the Washington Post that, after she read the breakfast stories, "In general, though not in every specific, I had the feeling I'd heard it before." Duh.)Whitewater / Lewinsky and related "scandals"
This is not the first or the last mass media presentation of Hale's stories, but it is the first one to bring up the suicide of Vince Foster as potentially linked to the Whitewater deal. Anchor Tom Brokaw tells his audience that Foster may have committed suicide for fear of an impending investigation into Whitewater, and links the suicide to the July 21 raid on Hale's office. The report electrifies the Washington press corps. A few weeks later, the Moonie-owned Washington Times reports that White House counsel Bernard Nussbaum moved the Clinton's personal legal files from Foster's old office to his own shortly after Foster's death; this mundane incident becomes a scandal in the media. Reporters fail to note that in the days after Foster's death, there was no Whitewater scandal, nor had any investigative entities asked to see the Clintons' files. FBI investigators had no interest in the files; they were searching Foster's office for a suicide note. Yet the move, completely proper and legal, causes a firestorm of allegations that Nussbaum moved the files for some unknown, but undoubtely nefarious, purpose.Whitewater / Lewinsky and related "scandals"
Boynton meets with Richard Larry, who manages the educational and charitable interests of right-wing billionaire and newspaper publisher Richard Mellon Scaife. Days later, Boynton meets with Parker Dozhier, the owner of a bait shop and fishing resort near Hot Springs; Dozhier is a longtime acquaintance of indicted Little Rock judge David Hale. (Boynton has extensive contacts among Arkansas conservatives, most notably his longtime association with Jim Johnson.) Numerous phone calls and meetings between Hale, Boynton, representatives of the Scaife financial empire, and Arkansas white supremacist and political fixture Jim Johnson. In return for helping promote Hale's lurid and mendacious story of financial misdeeds by the Clintons, the Sarah Scaife Foundation cuts the Spectator's Educational Foundation a check for $60,000, which will be spent on anything but education. The check, accompanied by a glowing letter from Scaife himself, is the first of a $120,000 grant awarded by the foundation. Days later, another check and another letter from Scaife arrive, this time from the Carthage Foundation, in the amount of $200,000. (Boynton and Henderson will ensure their own profits: by June 1997, Boynton will have given himself almost $600,000, and Henderson will have garnered over $475,000. Records make it impossible to prove how much was given to Hale, but conservative estimates place Hale's take in the hundreds of thousands.)Gun violence
Officially dubbed the "Brady Handgun Violence Prevention Act," the bill, passionately opposed by conservatives and the National Rifle Association among others, requires a five-day waiting period for customers purchasing firearms or handguns, and mandates a national criminal background check on purchasers buying handguns from ATF-licensed dealers. (Private-party sales are not affected, which proves to be an enormous loophole and sees the advent of so-called "gun shows" featuring non-licensed dealers.) The provision which mandates that local law enforcement officials carry out the background checks will be struck down by the Supreme Court in 1997. The waiting period provision expires in 1998; the so-called "instant-check" system, developed by the FBI, is still in use today. The bill is named for James Brady, an assistant to President Reagan who was shot and permanently injured during the 1983 assassination attempt on Reagan. Brady's wife Sarah is the most prominent and vocal supporter of the bill. Opponents predict, wrongly, that the bill will see the eradication of the Second Amendment right for Americans to own guns. (Wikipedia, Brady Bill Text)